Blanket presidential immunity was unthinkable until Trump came along (2024)

Good morning. I’m Paul Thornton, and it is Saturday, April 27, 2024. Here’s what’s been happening in Opinion.

Ever since Donald Trump emerged as a presidential candidate nearly a decade ago, there’s been this odd tension between holding him accountable as we would anyone else, and letting him run amok in the hope that the traditions and comity that enable politics in this country would outlast him, and one day we could all go back to how things were. All along, we’ve hoped that the former president would start respecting democratic “norms.”

Now, in hindsight, it looks like all that’s done is hinder the enforcement of laws that he so clearly has violated. The U.S. Supreme Court’s hearing Thursday of Trump’s absurd presidential immunity claim bears that out.

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For starters, we shouldn’t be here. We shouldn’t have to write down that a federal law against, say, assassinating political opponents applies to the president too — because our constitutional system subordinates everyone to the law. Trump, while he was in office, may be constitutionally protected from prosecution (though that’s debatable), but once he’s out, he’s a citizen like you and me. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) made precisely that point when justifying his vote in early 2021 to acquit Trump in his second impeachment trial.

But Trump apparently had a sympathetic audience Thursday at the Supreme Court , where many of the justices during oral arguments expressed a desire to define which acts taken as president count as “official,” which are “personal,” and to what extent someone who flouted the most fundamental aspect of our democracy — carrying out election results — can be prosecuted. Justice Department special counsel Jack Smith’s indictment of the former president clearly lays out how Trump’s conduct after the 2020 election violated specific U.S. laws. By my listening to the oral arguments Thursday, there’s no real debate over the specific allegations made in Smith’s indictment.

But because of who he is, the justices may allow Trump to avoid prosecution on some charges altogether or in effect delay his Jan. 6 trial until after the election. That is extraordinary. Op-ed columnist Harry Litman, a veteran of the U.S. Justice Department, recaps the hearing and lays out the grim implications for our constitutional system:

“Going into Thursday’s showdown, the critical question was whether the court’s opinion would permit the trial to go forward without further proceedings. In the wake of the arguments, that seems more unlikely than ever. Indeed, the court’s questions raised the additional alarming prospect that it could confer the kind of expansive presidential immunity that would further weaken the constitutional principle that a president is not a king.”

Antiabortion states should not deny pregnant women emergency care. The first sentence of this Times editorial also captures the disorienting state of the Supreme Court: “It’s absurd that in the 21st century, the Supreme Court is debating how close to death pregnant women need to be before doctors can perform a medically necessary abortion.” But in overturning Roe vs. Wade in 2022, the court opened a Pandora’s box, and earlier this week it heard arguments on an Idaho law outlawing all abortions except in cases of rape, incest or imminent threat to the life of the mother. The editorial board reminds the justices: Women are not incubators.

Criminalizing homelessness is unconscionable, but is it unconstitutional? In yet further Supreme Court news, the justices heard a case this week on the law against sleeping in public in Grants Pass, Ore., a topic covered by my colleague Kerry Cavanaugh in Wednesday’s newsletter. Op-ed columnist Robin Abcarian says the case demonstrates a sad fact of modern America: “We continue to fail the homeless people who live among us, and no single court ruling in the world is going to solve the underlying issues.”

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America’s “big glass” dominance hangs on the fate of two powerful new telescopes. If the situation on terra firma feels bleak, you won’t feel much better looking skyward after reading the op-ed article by the respective presidents of Carnegie Science and Caltech, Eric D. Isaacs and Thomas F. Rosenbaum. They warn that the U.S. risks ceding its global leadership on building large telescopes.

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Lots of people lie to their doctors. His father did — with tragic results. Paul Karrer’s dad really wanted to drive — so much that he withheld information from his doctor about the severity of his epilepsy, allowing him to be certified healthy enough for a license. Karrer says that ended in the worst way possible: “In 1998, when he was 67, my father had his final seizure while driving. He caused an accident, killing the driver of the other car, and himself. The passenger in his car was severely injured and spent months in the hospital before she died. It was all shocking, unnecessary and horrible.”

California law requires police to fix these bad policies. So why haven’t they? Six years ago, the state enacted legislation calling for the end of dubious witness identification practices by police. Todd Fries, an attorney who directs the Northern California Innocence Project, says his group has since found that law enforcement agencies have largely failed to implement reforms meant to prevent the conviction of innocent people.

More from this week in opinion

From our columnists

  • Jonah Goldberg: The GOP can still do what’s rational and right. Here’s the proof
  • Jackie Calmes: MAGA Mike sings a chorus of “Kumbaya” with the Democrats, but for how long?

From the op-ed desk

  • Pat Tillman was killed 20 years ago. Let’s remember him and ponder the nation’s lost opportunity
  • This Passover, have room in your hearts for Israelis and Palestinians

From the editorial board

  • Social media companies refuse to safeguard kids. It’s up to lawmakers now
  • In eco-minded California, there’s still no constitutional right to clean air and water

Letters to the editor

  • Charge an extra fee? Restaurants should have to tell customers before they enter
  • Should Kamala Harris step aside as Joe Biden’s running mate?
  • The major difference between Donald Trump and King David

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Blanket presidential immunity was unthinkable until Trump came along (2024)

FAQs

Are former presidents immune from prosecution? ›

"We have a criminal justice system in this country. We have civil litigation," McConnell said on Feb. 13, 2021. "And former presidents are not immune from being accountable by either one."

What is the reason for presidential immunity? ›

In 1973, amid the Watergate scandal, the Department of Justice's Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) issued a memorandum concluding that it is unconstitutional to prosecute a sitting president. Its arguments include that the president "is the symbolic head of the Nation.

Who has absolute immunity? ›

Generally, only judges, prosecutors, legislators, and the highest executive officials of all governments are absolutely immune from liability when acting within their authority. Medical peer review participants may also receive absolute immunity.

Can the president be prosecuted? ›

No president who has not been impeached and removed from office can be prosecuted for official actions, Sauer said, broadly interpreting the meaning of official acts. Liberal justices questioned Sauer about how far his definition of official acts would stretch. Trump's attorney was reluctant to list any exceptions.

Does a sitting president have immunity from criminal prosecution? ›

Presidential immunity covers actions relating to the official duties of the President, including those in the "outer perimeter" of those duties. Immunity does not extend to unofficial conduct, criminal conduct, and conduct occurring prior to entering office.

Does the president have immunity from being sued? ›

In some previous high-profile opinions involving presidential authority, including U.S. v. Nixon (in which the court said a president does not have executive privilege in immunity from subpoenas or other civil court actions) and Clinton v. Jones (which said a president has no immunity from civil damages for acts done ...

Is the president above the law? ›

2678 simply ensures that, once a president leaves office, indictments can be sought by DOJ, if appropriate, against a president who commits federal crimes that would otherwise be barred by the statute of limitations when they leave office. Again, this ensures that no president of the United States is above the law.

Does a US senator have immunity? ›

They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.

Can a President serve three terms? ›

No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President, or acted as President, for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of the President more than once.

Why is the immunity clause important in politics? ›

Harris, 106 U.S. 629, 643 (1883) ( [The Privileges and Immunities Clause's] object is to place the citizens of each state upon the same footing with citizens of other states, and inhibit discriminative legislation against them by other states. ).

Why is immunity for legislators so important? ›

A legal doctrine that protects legislators from being sued for all actions taken in the sphere of legitimate legislative activity. The purpose of legislative immunity is to ensure that the legislative function may be performed independently without fear of outside interference.

What does immunity mean in the US government? ›

Definition. The sovereign immunity refers to the fact that the government cannot be sued without its consent.

What is government immunity? ›

Immunity refers to legal protection that exempts a person from liability, punishment, or legal action that would otherwise apply. Immunity can be granted in various contexts, including criminal and civil cases, administrative proceedings, and legislative inquiries. For example, see "immunity from prosecution"

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